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Moskovkin L., Vakurova N. Parliamentary journalists are not people, but media channels ...
From everyday conversations on the Duma themes, one might think that the people perceive the Duma as a circus of clowns, with a much more respectful attitude to professional clowns from Tsvetnoy Boulevard. It seems that the only difference between a deputy from a humorist and satirist is that the professional on the stage painfully reads the essay suffered at night, and the public politician easily and casually publicly improvises on the go and in the stream of consciousness: "I have nothing, despite my venerable age", "I drank coffee with anan" (Vladimir Lukin); "Swastika lips" (Gennady Zyuganov to address Nikolay Svanidze); "Given my physical and political weight, it’s illogical to compare me with a pug" (Galina Starovoitova); "Today we are quiet as on the lawn" (Vladimir Ryzhkov), "The deputies are creative people, the energy of them and rushing" (Vladimir Ryzhkov Evgeny Kiselev "Results - night talk", 01/31/99); "You always start cleaning up when I'm speaking." (Alexander Shokhin - Gennady Seleznev); "Let's create the Union of Beggars ..." (Sergey Ivanenko); "You tell yourself that you are a slacker ... you are trying to sit on two chairs" (Albert Makashov Vladimir Ryzhkov), "If you went to Harvard, then to Lubyanka", "I speak better when angry", "Vasily Ivanovich, our worker, also talented", "Moscow is overflowing with people, so to speak, and sources of infection" (Vladimir Zhirinovsky); "Vote - it is interesting to look at the amazing alliance of Apple and the Communists" (Alexey Mitrofanov); "Soon we will have only oligofrends left and there will be no one to judge ... We have no jurisdiction for the Mafia, but there will be no people" (Cleansing); "Now the government box is discharged, gas will be released", "We are not going to sit in the pocket of either the president or the government" (Gennady Seleznev, discussion in plenary session of the issue of gas supply); "Let's settle this situation together" (Arthur Chilingarov); "I speak so little in the Federation Council compared to non-doctors sitting in the hall that I have the right to say" (Mikhail Prusak); "Questions to the speaker - who is he by nationality?"(from the hall at a meeting of the Council of Federation after the evasive report of Oleg Bogomolov on" a large treaty with Ukraine); "Pro vote vote guys" (Svetlana Goryacheva); "We are violating the regulations for the fourth time today, at 18 o'clock we have an end. As for Gennady Vasilyevich, I hope that in six months we will get Kulik’s legs instead of Bush’s legs." (Maltsev) etc.

For some reason eccentricity is attributed only Zhirinovsky, but as a “well-prepared impromptu”, staging is peculiar to practically all active deputies. Applicants for leadership have their own playing players, presenting them at press conferences: Gennady Zyuganov - "representative of the miners" Viktor Vasilyevich Semenov (pot-bellied and in black beret) and "representative of the working people" Viktor Anpilov; agrarian leader Nikolay Kharitonov - "famous farmer Solovyov". But also "experts", for example Vladimir Yeremeyevno matter how much they banged, the microphone was never turned off (which was repeatedly done by the spokesman for Gennady Zyuganov to the “MEG” correspondent), although in all the places of his appearance he speaks only about “spirituality”, moreover quite aggressively: "Where are you in a hurry? Why don't you want to hear the truth?". Using speeches about spirituality, he is, as it were, answered, sometimes more willingly than to questions on the merits of the topic of a press conference.

In the history of the Sixth Duma, there was one case when, directly in the hall, a pass was taken from Evgenia Lebedevawho spoke at various press conferences (also at party conferences outside the Duma, at the Ostankino talk show recordings, etc.) almost the same thing about the association of verbal roots, presented as assistant deputy Macasovawho invariably fit into the lenses of the cameras and wore a yellow ribbon on his head. Perhaps his scandalous expulsion from the Duma was connected, rather, with extravagant appearance and demonstrative behavior, or with a general purge of the Duma, when the deputies refused to "services" about three thousand "public assistants." Then disappeared and Mikhail Nikolaevich Ivanov, author of the "Dead Water" concept with an anti-Semitic bias, boasting an acquaintance with the head of the Institute for the Study of Judaism Adin Steinsaltz.

According to imaginative emotional impressions, the press contributes to the above assessment, and its relationship with the parliament is similar to the relationship of a walking wife to a drinking husband who cannot imagine their coexistence without each other's vices: “Some mistakenly believe that State Duma deputies are solid, intelligent, adults people. In fact, deputies are like little children - greedy, stupid, and they prefer the game to study, and even more so to work. " “With the saboteur’s vengefulness, the Duma is trying to conserve the country in a state of poverty and lawlessness, obviously acting on the principle“ the worse, the better. ”It is necessary, however, to clarify: the worse - we, the better - them.” ("Express Chronicle", December 21, 1998, article Alexey Izyumov "Impeach him!"); "Monkeys are a past stage ... On Okhotny Ryad, we don’t have Durov Corner, but the National Theater ... Well, you can't play for a budget banana for five years!" ("Total", Victor Shenderovich).

There are elements of both truth and logic, but it would still be wrong to believe unequivocally in such a model, especially since it contributes to a biased assessment of the coverage of parliamentary activities: people attribute to deputies what they themselves suffer from. With a low credit of interpersonal trust in Russian society, an unhealthy policy is greater, the fewer opportunities there is for a public response, respectively - the lower in the power vertical there is a social structure. And it takes shape, like the Duma, always and everywhere, in any natural or forced collective of any public arena - at school, Dez, a team of shabashniki. Therefore, in the Russian environment, respectful sentiments towards the Duma, up to piety and strong personal envy, even to those who have been within its walls rather randomly, dominate.

Working in parliament, you begin to treat with hostility to indiscriminate statements of people far from understanding the political cuisine.. Even information leaks occurring specifically in the Duma (the Federation Council, the government, the presidential apparatus are significantly more insured against such a factor of chance) have to be considered an important driving factor in the development of the country in the direction of constructive changes that allow people not to leave the arena. Every citizen of the country who is interested in his future would have been worth it without any subservience before any authority to understand - formed thanks to the steep and unpopular decisions of the first president of Russia, who has become an odious figure, The self-organized Russian parliament is the best emanation of the country's political intellectual potential, which, being created in any other form, would not protect against the internal, basic tension that pushes the masses to destruction, turning strong and competent people into a powerful self-destructive force of historical significance..

For the sake of justice, correction of distortions and, if not reconciliation of the warring points of view, then at least their distraction from each other in a confusing reason to think, let us give one unusual example in this text with a long tail of associations from the past and alarming predictions of the future. January 13, 1999 at the plenary meeting Valentin Tsoi, Deputy Chairman of the Committee for Information Policy and Communications, presented for second reading a bill on television broadcasting and broadcasting with unreconciled text and behaved before the deputies, as a lesson did not learn the lesson - repented and asked to postpone the consideration.

Earlier in the same plenary meeting, a small skirmish was formed during the discussion of the agenda Oleg Finko and the MP Eagle on the situation in Vladivostok. The confrontation of the mayor and the governor is a typical conflict for the country, and only in a pair Наздратенко-Черепков she entered the public arena due primarily to the personality traits of the former mayor (who is a member, in particular, of the Public Chamber for Human Rights). Therefore, a public resolution of the “problem of Vladivostok” with the search for the missing billions in heating could create the necessary precedent.

And the competition between deputies for the development of a law or a problem (for example, Aparina-Lakhova - addiction problem, Mitrofanov-Rogozin - Russian question, Zorin-Mitrofanov - national problems) - this is also normal and necessary, it promotes a common cause. But in this case, Deputy Orlova dealt with the question differently, and her accusation against the chairman of the Committee on Information Policy and Communications, Oleg Finko, sounded convincingly, although for years suffering people at the other end of the country would be morally closer to see a living sympathetic deputy than The problem is someone who knows less. On the other hand, if the deputies exploit someone else’s misfortune for the sake of their own image, voluntarily driving around the country and the world at the expense of the budget, the country - in the context of this example - will enter the election campaign without the necessary Law on television and radio broadcasting. It is not yet clear who this situation will work for - on media holdings like Most, which secured half-election in 1996, or on the junta, who inherited power without elections due to the shutdown of the media. Actually, such a scenario was ready both in 1991 and in 1993. By the way, the consequences show what happened, although the example here is given completely without an estimate in the "good-evil" scale.

Unfortunately, consistent and reasoned activity without circus and other methods of modern PR turns out to be unclaimed in the Duma, as another example shows - the escalation of the collapse of the NDR in the name of the ambitions of the former prime minister: in a short time the head of the faction changed twice and as a result Alexandra Shokhina the last hope of a counterbalance to the left majority of the Duma disappeared into an amorphous group of independent deputies. The situation was aggravated by the physical elimination of two significant figures in the Duma arena - Starovoytova и Рохлина. Moreover, both the Duma and the government a few months earlier actually abandoned the figure of a concrete politician in the person of Shokhin, but the type of his reasoned, non-populist politics and logical methods based on fundamental knowledge. Here we are not talking about the bureaucracy in the name of the regulations, which in the post-Soviet period invariably remains in demand.

No less in demand are exhibitions in the corridors of the Duma and the Federation Council, from highly artistic professional works to full-fledged counterparts of anti-Semitic meta-repressions in the easel version or a political pamphlet in the genre of artistic primitivism. Exhibitions, parliamentary film clubs, numerous geeks - "journalists" и "experts" - they make a specific powerful stream in maintaining the field of acute competitive tension in the parliamentary arena: specific deputies or their ideals can be represented in such a way that only people with sufficiently strong nerves can withstand it. The basis of competitive tensions, however, is made up by the mutual flaunting of each other of the deputy and journalistic corps, which resembles an evening in a women's school with male guests during their separate functioning.

A figurative description of what is happening in the parliamentary arena surpasses all other genres.. Watching the author's artistic work on NTV or in expensive magazines, you forget about the meaning of what is happening, speaking no more than a reason for creativity. Subjectively, this is evidence of the high level of both Russian parliamentarism and journalism, with the contributing factors of "star disease" and militant non-professionalism. The Russians have always been to fiction and metaphysics, and this tendency was satisfied at various times. Vyshinsky, Khinshtein and many others, using the fact as a reason, the inductor of the stream of consciousness. Let the overwhelming majority of Russians ardently argue in words, but this fact also indicates a relatively high political activity in the country, a little inclined towards order and legitimate public policy. Perhaps this is the basis of flexibility and extensive development of national parliamentarism. Although the statement hangs in the air without a formal description and comparison of itself with what is happening in countries with developed parliamentarism.

Here we tried to carry out the first stage - to identify relatively independent streams in the information space between the legislative power and the audience through the journalist trickster-mediator, without which it is impossible to understand at all who, what, about whom and for whom he publishes. It turned out eight individual types of information channels, the description of which is given below.. But first let us cite information from the author’s own press service of the State Duma, whose products, unlike the work of parliamentary correspondents, do not include the transformation of information from noise - on the contrary, any work in this area is not approved, it is largely a purely routine job huge volume.

The press center of the Duma is a typical in its genre developed structure with in two directions - informational и Public Relations. Information flows are divided into incoming, outgoing and internal. The press service includes eight sections.: operational information, on relations with the central and regional press, parliamentary television, parliamentary radio, on work with accredited journalists, public relations, information monitoring and operation of the television and radio complex (see V.V.Gorelova "The State Duma and Mass Media: Problems of Informational Interaction", theses of the scientific-practical conference "Journalism in 1998", t. I, pp. 12-15, M., 1999). Information on products (emission information of the press service of the Duma) is given below in the relevant paragraphs.

1. Own internal information products of the Federal Assembly - Parliament of the Russian Federation.

1.1. "Plenary transcripts", "Statements of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation", "Diary of the State Duma meetings", "Meeting of the legislation of the Russian Federation", "Official documents of public authorities of the Russian Federation. State bibliographic index", "Dumsky Bulletin", "Parliamentary materials hearings "," Vedomosti Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation "," Collection of federal constitutional laws and federal laws "and other current publications on paper in openly th printing. Plenary transcripts contain strictly accurate transcripts of plenary meetings, are distributed by subscription, and are technically available to the widest audience, but are usually used within a narrow circle of people interested in primary information because of its large volume and high cost of the array of primary unprocessed texts.

It may seem like a huge and expensive job is being wasted, since decoding, layout and publishing with the inclusion of data by roll call takes several days and under no circumstances can be used by those media that need such data. In reality, publications serve as a guarantor of the accuracy of the transfer and discipline the behavior of all participants in the communication process, forcing them to some degree to keep their own level of professionalism at least outwardly. Content analysis of the text of transcripts is also possible, which can be proved using modern text analysis, cluster analysis and pattern recognition. to typologize and classify deputies with identification, for example, lobbying. In principle, in this way one can prove the facts of corruption, although the judicial system is unlikely to accept them, as it has not accepted genetic evidence for decades. However, heuristically and so it is clear, whose interests are defended by one or another deputy, as said by a government representative Natalia Evgenievna Fonareva when introducing an alternative advertising bill: "The alcohol market is saturated. The current amendments are lobbying the advertising business, there are completely different people have surfaced".

1.2. Most of the editions listed in the previous paragraph are available in the electronic version (), as well as press releases of events, and the working documentation of the Federal Assembly, provided to journalists for use by parliamentary press centers or mined by journalists, despite the difficulties and prohibitions. This also includes videos of plenary sessions, parliamentary hearings and press conferences, except closed ones (meetings of the Council of the Duma are always closed).

2. Own parliamentary media - “Parliamentary Gazette” (edition of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation), “Parliamentary Week: events and facts” and “Round Table” (programs of parliamentary radio on Radio Russia), Parliamentary Gazette and News from the State Duma (radio) Resonance ")," Parliamentary Hour "(RTR, Sunday, 15:10 - 16:10). Information from the Duma’s press service is also broadcast by the Voice of Russia and Mayak radio stations, official documents are published in the Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

Despite the desire for objectivity, the Duma's own products, published for a wide audience, are in fact the PR service of the deputies, creating publicity for the majority of the State Duma’s left, as it does not prioritize representative coverage of the parliament’s work, while inserting many extra-parliamentary materials character with a typical targeting in the audience, intersecting with the targeting of the left press (“In defense of the poorest,” “Who shines the northern lights?”, “We can turn into a spiritual McDonald’s,” “To call a district police officer, you just have to die,” “America stands at the point of an unprecedented attack against Yugoslavia”). Parliamentary media use transcript information and video recordings of Duma’s own services. For the sake of justice, it is necessary to point out an alternative assessment of parliamentary journalism, but in a representative manner it is rather boring for a mass audience and, at any assessment, demonstrates a disability of the model of communitarianism of the press and government.

3. The main source is the information of parliamentary correspondents with permanent accreditation from media bodies with their own corps of parliamentary correspondents. (some with their own offices in the territory of parliament), transferred to the direct publication ex tempora and then freely replicated. A permanent parliamentary correspondent participates in a limited part of the journalistic media process, corresponding to a permanent or temporary specific task and his specialty, that is, what he works with - a voice recorder, a photo or video camera, a mobile transmitting station (car with a "plate") he does not analyze, write, assemble or interpret the dictogram himself. Permanent parliamentary correspondents in the Federal Assembly have developed expensive horizontal media: Interfax, Echo of Moscow, NTV, RTR, ORT and others, as well as some sectoral specialized publications of those spheres of social activity, where costly lobbying necessary and justified (oil, banking, real estate, etc.).

Journalists who shoot and write receive different accreditations. Those who shoot are allowed on the balcony of the Great Hall of the State Duma and for protocol shooting before negotiations and meetings, the writers use the broadcast in the Small Hall (press hall). Information for coverage of journalists of all kinds make up, borrow, create: from observations of a broadcast or recording of plenary sessions; at local improvised press conferences when deputies and invited members of the government leave the conference rooms, including closed meetings of the Council of the Duma and committees; at the announced, scheduled, regular (on Wednesdays) press conferences in the Small Hall; at parliamentary hearings; from exclusive interviews; at the briefings of the Chairman of the Duma, where Gennady Seleznev may invite journalists of your choice. Both temporal and spatial self-organization of the parliamentary arena (chaos structure in physical language) with thick points (attractors) took shape, where sometimes partitions for the division of journalists and politicians are put in: the exit from the Great Hall to the lobby of the press hall during plenary sessions, regime zone around the Great Hall and its balcony, recreation in front of the Council Hall on Tuesdays and Thursdays, etc.

In other words, in order to successfully find relevant information in parliament, it is necessary:

1 - to study the space-time self-organization of the parliamentary arena, to know the “thickening points” (attractors) and potential generators (sources) of new information - press conferences, parliamentary hearings, significant committee meetings, etc .;

2 - master the stereotypes of professional behavior, ways of asking questions;

3 - to collect sources of primary information within the limits of need - press releases, agendas of plenary sessions, texts of draft laws and amendments, transcripts, data by name vote;

4 - navigate in the ratings of newsmakers on the issue.

Unfortunately, parliamentary correspondents who permanently transmit from the Federal Assembly rarely ask cardinal questions, this is hampered by a narrowly professional mentality and the lack of time to think about the material outside the limits of the actual installation. Two common diseases of the Russian press of the transition period are added to the above: "star disease" and non-professionalism. Some editorial offices change parliamentary correspondents “like gloves” (which Seleznev said on January 18, 1999 at an annual meeting with journalists), and people just do not have time to navigate in parliament, not like to gain professionalism.

The audience may not receive information about purely legislative activities - for example, deputies of the Moscow City Council may be unaware of the activities of the State Duma Committee on Women, Family, and Youth, and the surname often appears in the press Ekaterina Lakhova - in a sense, a rival committee chairman Alevtina Aparina along a similar problem profile. Discussions of those gathering especially many journalists — ratification of the “big treaty” of Russia and Ukraine, the budget, approval of the head of government or the Bank of Russia — are nominally non-constructive, since decisions available within the limits of a given procedure and its regulation are delayed by several months and get legislative force rather as ridiculous. But it is during the acutely competitive discussion of such topics that journalists and through them the society gets access to vast amounts of information.

In fact, the life of the Parliament is rhythmicized by sharp, resonating, relevant topics that connect horizontally all three worlds — the domineering, journalistic, and general civil — into a single system. In addition to resident correspondents (for example, Vlada Vishnevskaya и Ivan Trefilova) in the parliament appear multidisciplinary, operating in acute mode Evgeny Revenko, Pavel Lobkov, Anastasia Mestechkina. It is characteristic that “eternal” topics like xenophobia (for example, a surge of interest in Makashov in the fall of 1998) do not attract acute, momentary attention and do not become information as a lateral linker.

Thus, the multi-role game on the parliamentary arena is so developed that journalistic products are peculiarly protected from manifestations of incompetence. The reason is simple, it is in the very nature of self-organization — it is at the phase of the journalist’s work that the verbal form of the transformed information first appears in the event and then in the general civil sense. On the other hand, the parliamentarians themselves tend to favor the correspondents of large agencies and television channels rather than enter into confrontation with them - it’s good that they don’t see it, otherwise the viewer’s credibility decreases. It comes mainly to TV presenters, especially from those who, as the leaders of the KPRF and LDPR factions, are shown more often on the air. Physically goes to the "journalists" in the face of correspondents who are not protected on both sides and in general are not to blame for anything, fulfilling the explicit or implicit wish of the editor.

It is well known who attacks the press more often than others, therefore for comparison we will present the data for January 1999 about the number of our computer files containing the words: "Zhirinovsky" - 120; "Zyuganov" - 118; "Mitrofanov" - 95; "Seleznev" - 94; "Primakov" - 75; "Shokhin" - 60; "Makashov" - 59; "Ryzhkov"(two deputies) - 57;"Kobzon" - 56; "Ilyukhin" - 51; "Starovoitova" - 49; "Рохлин" - 44; "Yavlinsky" - 40; "Govorukhin" - 38; "Kondratenko" - 33; "Stroev" - 26; "Mizulina" - 24; "Borshchev" - 22; "Titov" - 16; "Novodvorskaya" - 14; "convey" - 14; "Ayatskov" - 10.

4. "Slow" press, vertical press, also analytical and thematic programs (for example, “Hero of the Day”, “Details”, “Scandals of the Week”) and articles whose materials were obtained in direct interaction with deputies with a full journalistic process - from receiving primary information on the spot to publication and distribution. They can carry out "dry" lobbying without payment or any other personal mutual interest, except for a spectacular public game of confrontation, questions and answers, with the actual support of personal publicity of specific deputies, highlighting their activities in a satirical vein. For example, thematic Jewish and "intellectual" press works on the rating of deputies KPRF Viktor Ilyukhin (case "On the four powers of attorney", "genocide of the Russian people"), Gennady Seleznev (saying about hard labor), Alberta Makashova (anti-Semitic remarks at rallies in early October 1998) and many deputies of the left majority - the “big” treaty with Ukraine, the promotion of the “Jewish question”, etc.

This includes the most influential domestic journalism - a delayed analyst in reviews. Evgenia Kiseleva и Nikolay Svanidze, analytical reports Evgenia Revenko and "provoked situations" Pavlo Lobkova. Tellingly, the Sunday analytical program "Results" co-owner of NTV Evgenia Kiseleva includes the non-journalistic genre of interviews - psychological interviews on the disclosure of the individual. In this way - calmly, without scandals and other shocking techniques of modern PR tools, in a confidential conversation - the audience demonstrates what this significant figure really is (for example, Viktor Chernomyrdin after Alexander Shokhin’s dismissal from the post of head of the NDR faction, or In addition, Yasser Arafat - this, however, still offended and became perplexed: “What kind of television is this?”).

Of course, raising the “Jewish question” in the parliamentary arena requires exactly the question, a virtual subject is preferred here, and the real one is avoided. Nikolay Kondratenko when in Moscow, journalists invariably elude journalists. Albert Makashov this did not succeed, and he actually showed an example of a reverse information flow, when journalism worked precisely as a power: a general who was confused by a stupid language began to express relatively constructive things, for example, against the formal bureaucracy or the sore subject of an audit of the Central Bank. Let us not forget how many questions turn out to be in failure, when out of three hundred active deputies the necessary one is not found who will say out loud in some form that the “king is naked” and open the non-degenerate way of discussion.

In general, the reverse flow of information in the parliamentary arena is widely represented, and it is most created by people who do not have the possibility of a non-urgent current publication.. This may be the generation of information in situ, which occurs most often at press conferences, and a way to increase the competence of averagely illiterate deputies and senators at the expense of journalists and lobbyists, which happens most often at parliamentary hearings or numerous seminars specifically designed for that purpose. Recall that in the past, the leader of the Communist Party faction did not hesitate to show ignorance of the Yeseninsky phenomenon in the history of the Soviet period of our country, once this word was even written into a passport: “We never forbade Yesenin”. There are enough people in both houses of the Russian parliament who openly avoid contact with the press, at least without preparation.

On the other hand, correspondents who are not bound by the dictates of the editor and founder (as they are constantly transmitting) are prone to self-expression, they are often demolished for "spirituality", "ethics", "morality", anti-Semitism or anti-anti-Semitism. Once in the swamp of narcissism, getting out of it is extremely difficult - it is impossible to restore your professional image. Nevertheless, it is precisely the competitive coexistence of diverse parliamentary and journalistic corps that gives rise to an eventual field of permanent significant information flow. Some socially significant problems in the decisions of members of the Federal Assembly cannot receive verbal accessible replication of coverage outside of journalistic creativity in situ. It even happens that journalists of different kinds of media and competing companies unite their efforts to find the wording of the cardinal questions and, most importantly, the answers (what and how to transmit). This is rare, but it truly demonstrates how parliamentarians sometimes learn about their work exclusively from the press.

5. Re-illumination of individual events by any media available to the audience such as inadequate behavior, speech mistakes, reservations and common speech of public politicians, signs of ill health or weakness of the president Yeltsinrally calls of the deputy Alberta Makashova, slang words, offensive combinations and everyday expressions Gennady Zyuganov ("bummer", "sponge swastika" Nikolai Svanidze, "Ivan Ivanych and Abram Abramychi"), statements Alexandra Kuvaeva at a joint press conference with Gennady Zyuganov on the “TV host list”, past eccentric behavior Vladimir Zhirinovsky, also sayings Viktor Ilyukhin, Galina Starovoitova и Lva Rohlina. More often, the "over-lit" materials of deputies do not affect at all, tying the attention of the audience to the Duma as a whole and in their own way giving real or fictional information about its activities, for example "Homosexuality and pedophilia in the Duma" ("I am Russian", # 19, 1998). The characters in this article claim that they filed a protest with the sole purpose of finding a newspaper publisher that they could not close, and it turned out that they were the Moscow UFSB. “Parliamentary journalism” by overexposure is similar to having sex on the phone on the one hand or something like drinking urine from a shaman who has drunk mushroom broth — addiction for ordinary members of the tribe. After all, this ordinary all information is available, but the possibility of an answer is not available.

In this case, we are dealing with typical metajournalism with any kind of targeting, subject to relevance as a priority or even a single goal. Roughly speaking, in real life it is turned its backside, borrowing from it nothing more than a "reason for conversation" and reflecting it has settled in the dark depths of human souls. Naturally, to create a meta-journalistic production, it is absolutely not necessary to complete all stages of the journalistic process, it is usually more than enough to watch TV and sometimes read newspapers. The resulting products are spectacular and accessible to a mass audience. Actually, it is the focus of the information field, the point of attraction and the center of gravity of the information interaction between the audience and the political establishment in the widest range. Examples - "Total" Viktor Shenderovich, "replicas" Andrei Cherkizov, materials Brand Dicha, Alexandra Bovina and other analysts of various media outlets, including the newspapers MK, Tomorrow, and AiF. In the context, it is essential that the analysis of each of the above materials fully reveals a combination of news, analytical and meta-journalism, therefore it would be most appropriate to outline the circle of creativity of a particular journalist. It can be said that from time to time improper materials on “Duma motives” appear in almost all Russian mass media without exception — the State Duma is such a powerful focus and center of attraction for attention.

6. Metapressa distributed among deputies, for example, “Environment”, “Empire”, “National Newspaper”, “I am Russian”, “Express Chronicle”. Nominally direct information flow does not provide, since the parliamentary chronicle does not reflect. But it has a significant impact on the information space, as well as any press, the publishers of which have managed to achieve Direct Mail in government or at least their products on the territory of the Duma. If, however, publications on Duma topics still pass, they have the form and technology of meta-journalism from the previous paragraph. Some deputies love the typical edition of Moscow News quality meta-press; however, it rarely falls into the Duma, and MK, an example of a high-quality relevant publication with a metered share of meta-journalism in a well-calculated relationship with news, analytics and relaxation materials.

In addition to metapresses of publications that do not contain news and analytical materials, the meta prefix should be added to the media during the transition period with characteristic signs of the transformation of well-established intellectual logic covering the tragic phenomena of the expiring century before the Holocaust into the relevance technology basis of any informational occasion or when the reason is purely nominal, which is served as an event. In a sense, the production of meta-press continues the lost genre of socialist realism with its attribution of unreal motivation to real, but taken out of context, people's actions and events.. A characteristic high-quality elite model of the relevant meta-press was a scientific report. Vladimir Zhirinovsky "Past, present and future of the Russian nation", presented on 04.24.98 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, using the terminology and vocabulary of Holocaust history in the text with the replacement of the word "Jewish" by "Russian": "Russian question", "genocide of the Russian people". Similarly, the characteristic example of the same kind of meta-press, but the other pole of targeting - kitsch - was the book "Russian national identity (modern view)" Alexandra Uvarova, head of the Communist Party faction.

7. "Black journalism", crypto-journalism, informational parasitism in journalismwhen the primary journalistic information is used for personal purposes by third parties and is either not published at all, or reaches the audience in a form that has been transformed beyond recognition and under inappropriate authorship. Generally speaking, the press attribute of the Soviet model, which is characteristic as a hidden counterpoint, accompanied the coverage of the wars in Abkhazia and Chechnya during the transition period. For parliamentary journalism is a permanent, immanent characteristic. Under the conditions of editorial arbitrariness and the dictates of the actual owner in the person of the founder of the media body, the deprived state of the overwhelming majority of domestic journalists reduces them to the position of stringers, as a result of which the journalist, despite the lack of publications, continues to supply the editors with materials read only in a narrow circle. Some information is widely distributed, but not published by the media, for example, about Jewish origin. Evgenia Primakov, which Vladimir Zhirinovsky only casually mentioned at his press conference. Strictly speaking, at least one publication took place, but again in a typical meta-press.

In our country, there is a set of conditions that support the "genre of anecdote" as the most serious channel of news information against the background of imitating the permissiveness of the publication and the absence of closed topics. In journalism, a characteristic way of life has actually developed on the basis of possession of information inaccessible to society, a certain elitism, an alternative “mass stupidity”. If it is considered that the deputies are under the press of the arbitrariness of the press, in this case the role of pike against the carp's nap in the lake is performed by deputies, and journalists have to be careful not to give in to provocations or use them deliberately. The phenomenon is well illustrated by examples of the impossibility of adequate coverage in open publications of such humanly important non-political topics as AIDS and human cloning: a simple and concrete truth in both cases is absolutely irrelevant to the expectations of the audience. And again, in both cases, a certain breakthrough was made by parliamentary journalism on the basis of interpersonal competition of a multi-role game in the Duma arena and the synergy of parliamentary and journalistic spheres.

In 1998, on behalf of the LDPR faction, the chairman of the geopolitical committee Alexey Mitrofanov announced the start of work on human cloning, with a competent use of the tools of modern PR, gathered a representative press conference, the scandalous tint of which allowed to sound including adequate information. On AIDS in the same year passed parliamentary hearings. Since the topic attracts numerous alarmists who exploit it completely thoughtlessly to construct a personal image (like the “Russian cross” or public anti-Semitism), the parliamentary tribune also attracted their antipodes with adequate information. Moreover, they were well prepared for parliamentary hearings, unlike alarmists. As a result, alternative to generally accepted views information on AIDS turned out to be an open publication ("Descent to AIDS", VK).

8. Own press services of individual deputies specialized in the field of Press Relations, eg, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, Grigory Yavlinsky, Gennady Zyuganov и Joseph Kobzon, also the work of assistants to deputies Alberta Makashova, Sergey Kovalev, Alexey Mitrofanov, Konstantin Borovoy, Valeria Borscheva, Viktor Sheynis and many others. It is characteristic that many deputies hold the opposite position (for example, Dmitry Krasnikov), in fact, hiding its activities from the press. On the contrary, the "press service" Galina Starovoitova и Lva Rohlina survived their killings for several months.

Recently, a small press group of a deputy has been gaining significant significance. Joseph Kobzonwhich it was possible to use unilaterally, when exactly it replicated the information of the anti-Semitic leaflet from Krasnodar and the analyst about it. It remains unclear whether this was pure provocation by the mayor’s office Samoilenko against the governor Kondratenko or, on the contrary, a pure fact - in reality there are both signs. The confrontation of the mayor and the governor can take very sophisticated forms with the involvement of representatives of vertical power, as demonstrated by the example of the development of the situation in Vladivostok (Cherepkov-Nazdratenko). His press service usually fights with provocations against Yabloko, an example is the dissemination of adequate information about the announcement of the "Joint action of the youth branch of Yabloko and the LDPR in support of Saddam Hussein." The most powerful PR machine and specifically Press Relations has Vladimir Zhirinovsky, its products - own newspapers, a series of brochures, monographs (from "New Money for Russia and the World" to "ABC of Sex"), documentaries and feature films with a leader in the main role against the background of famous and beloved artists ("Ship of Twins"), press releases, the organization of his and his publications, interviews with him, the presentation of books with his nominal authorship and the events of his life and the life of his party.

Somewhat off the point of this item here will have to add about the role in the parliamentary arena. Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky. On the one hand, in the "staging" and eccentricity of behavior, he is not at all a black sheep among the deputies. Ultimately, all or almost all active deputies, who use the method of controlled outrage in the tools of modern PR, behave this way. Only one manages this easily, and the other has inadequate consequences in behavior — he is frightened or laughs at himself. On the other hand, it is the head of the LDPR faction that most often assumes the role of "urban madman", who is the only one who speaks the truth in dead-end situations loaded with old-fashioned situations, forcing him to go on non-degenerate paths. That is, it performs the function that is nominally in the duties of the mediator trickster, in this context - parliamentary journalism.

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The transition period is marked by an abundance of systemic effects.:
unpredictability of inadequate consequences, cooperative effects in the behavior of newsmakers, confusion of cause-effect relationships, etc. As a result, the replacement of a secret ballot with an open roll call and vice versa may lead to opposite decisions (such as, for example, when Shokhin was dismissed from the post of head of the faction), but the principle “Who benefits from it?” does not determine the terms of the organizers of the crime, because in the murders Рохлина и Starovoytova The most diverse groups of deputies and political movements, right up to the comrades of the murdered, turned out to be interested, experienced a crisis in the lives of their leaders and were trying to replenish their political capital after the murder. In the same logic that many would disagree, it is clear that lawmaking activity of deputies is aimed more at all the same relevance at the expense of efficiency and enforceability of laws, since the behavior of deputies reveals signs of cooperative effects of the psyche of both kinds in synergy - uniformity (fascio) and multi-role play.

But in context, something else is important to us - The deputies themselves cannot interpret their behavior, nor can they cover the work of the Federal Assembly, parliamentary media bodies, but what they publish is distanced from the sphere of interest of the audience or from events in the parliamentary arena. It is equally important that the same events and statements, being in direct interpersonal everyday communication unambiguously negative, in the parliamentary arena and when replicating the media, especially confrontational ones, when the credibility of the audience increases significantly, allow society to overcome the old, tormented problems the country is literally getting bogged down, but the suffering side does not raise its voices. So, the record holder for replicating his statements in the fall of 1998 Albert Makashov he cried out at the rally that on the domestic stage only out-of-school poorly educated anti-Semites allow themselves to speak out of conviction. But balanced, not frustrated individuals, engaged in concrete work, shout the same thing when confronted with modern Russian Jewish leaders, whose activities overly resemble the notorious Judenraths in the occupation zone. Long after the Holocaust, society painfully crawls out of its fetters through its mechanisms. The vitality of the phenomenon causes significant damage to society and is based on the attitude to it as pornography, when a balanced person can tolerate or consume what the publicly gives an opposite assessment.

On the other hand, create a publicity deputy Albert Makashov, unlike his associate and chairman of the security committee Viktor Ilyukhinis difficult enough, and the desire of colleagues to protect the general from journalists like Pavlo Lobkova justified. Albert Mikhailovich in the Duma arena does not show confidence, rather, on the contrary, which is typical for individuals of the appropriate type. In addition, Albert Mikhailovich’s speech is not literary and almost can’t be quoted (although after his frightened anti-Semitic shouts outside the Duma, this deputy “earned” at plenary sessions as an active and constructive politician), and the publication of the analyst of his behavior needs insurance - it is desirable to have your media attorney and in the budget to provide for legal costs. This promotes mutual publicity, but not all editors can afford. The high popularity of Makashov with all the negativity of this figure is determined in his face by the refined pure expression of a massive diffuse phenomenon, characteristic of the behavior of many deputies and the country as a whole. Aggression with signs of isolation syndrome as a result of disability of constructive communication is paradoxical in the public arena, but public anti-Semitism in our country is highly in demand for shielding the shadow economy on the example of our Kuban "anti-Semitism testing ground" and as an excuse for the existence and budget of numerous Jewish, pro-Jewish, Western and domestic human rights organizations up to the Union of Consuls for Soviet Jews.

Similar type of statement Viktor Ilyukhin и Gennady Zyuganov consciously calculated and focused, only the first one is more energetic and uniform in behavior, and the leader of the faction, as the leader should be, is prone to labile maneuver, change “convictions” even during the day depending on the audience and avoid direct questions. As an example, he did at a joint press conference with Alexander Kuvaevwhere the direct question of one of the authors of the article: "Are you personally satisfied with the way TV presenters from the list cited by Alexander Alexandrovich covered the statements of Albert Mikhailovich at rallies in early October?" replied: "It's not about Albert Mikhailovich ...", etc.