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No. 20 (20) December 2005
No. 19 (19) December 2005
No. 18 (18) November 2005
№ 17 (17) November 2005
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12 (12) August 2005
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THE AUTHORS
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Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,
panfilov[at]cjes.ru

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,
alyaev[at]cjes.ru

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,
Kazakhstan,
adild[at]list.ru

a diamond stylus,
Kyrgyzstan,
citizen2005[at]yandex.ru

Nargis Zokirova,
Tajikistan
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
design,
inwork[at]frw.ru
Edge Romance
Shukenov
Discussion of the ownership of disputed territories between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan threatens to drag on for many years

In Bishkek, the issue of the border with Uzbekistan is highly politicized. And, perhaps, this also affects the speed of the delimitation process. Apparently, the Uzbek authorities are closely monitoring the statements of Kyrgyz politicians in their address. The contiguous side does not stint sharp answers. Tashkent openly plays muscles.

The well-known European scientist - Dr. Daniel Balan from the Sorbonne, is firmly convinced: the current problems in the border area are caused by the thoughtless and short-sighted actions of Soviet politicians of the first half of the last century, when ethnic and cultural factors were taken into account when defining the borders for national disengagement ... .

According to historical data, the definition of the administrative-territorial border between the republics of Central Asia was first started in 1924. Already on March 17, 1925, the description of the line of boundary with the list of administrative units in each republic was agreed upon and approved at a meeting of the Central Asian liquidation committee, and then by the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR. Later, some amendments were made in accordance with the petitions of both parties. These changes were approved by a resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of November 9, 1925, a resolution of the USSR Central Election Commission from 1926, a resolution of the USSR Central Election Commission from 1927. On the basis of these documents, a description of the border was drawn up and its face drawn on the 10-foot map of the Military Topographic Department of the Headquarters of the Turkestan District.

After such a difficult matter, the CEC declared a moratorium on the discussion of the issue of borders in the Fergana Valley, hoping to put an end to the differences. Border collective and state farms constantly come into conflict, challenging areas of small size.

Numerous land disputes took place from the moment of delimitation until the 60s of the last century. To resolve their presidiums of the Supreme Soviets of the Kyrgyz SSR and the Uzbek SSR, they concluded an agreement on the consideration of all disputed issues on the inter-republican border. The Councils of Ministers of the Republics approved the composition of the parity commission to establish a line of separation between them, which would suit both parties.

The commission, according to official data, succeeded. However, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR did not approve the border line, and soon in Moscow they completely forgot about the problem of Fergana

One of the points at issue is the existence of enclaves. In particular, Shakhimardan, who believes that he went to Tashkent thanks to the "smile of fortune." 80 years ago, the chairman of the Presidium of the CEC of Kyrgyzstan, Abdukerim Orozbekov, allegedly lost this section of the territory of the republic to his colleague from Uzbekistan Yuldash Akhunbabaev. Some Kyrgyz politicians, however, prefer to call the appearance of an “alien” island on the map of Kyrgyzstan the result of some kind of exchange. The Uzbek version adheres to the same version. She is inclined to believe that the Kyrgyz “citizenship” of the enclave is a historical paradox. Because it is in it that are the objects of Uzbek national pride. In the enclave is the grave and memorial museum of the legendary Uzbek poet Hamza. There is also a monument recognized in the Muslim world - the mazar of Abu Ali ibn Talib, the fourth "righteous" Caliph of Islam.

The militarization of the border, started, according to Tashkent, to strengthen statehood and in order to protect the Islamic gangs of Uzbekistan from penetrating the gangs, led Kyrgyzstan to look in a new way at the integrity of the borders. In Bishkek, by the way, the neighbors believe that the military units are forced to the border for some other reason. Partly in order to gain in the frontier a lever of pressure, so to speak - a weapon of psychological influence.

In the post-Soviet period, officially the parties sat down at the negotiating table on the border in February 2000. During this time, the Parity Commission was able to reach an agreement on about 1000 kilometers of common borders. In total, the length of the Kyrgyz-Uzbek border is 1,295 kilometers. Three quarters of the length of the Kyrgyz-Uzbek border are practically agreed. However, as one of the leading specialists in border issues Salamat Alamanov admitted, it was possible to delimit only those areas where the border runs along mountain ranges and sparsely populated territories.

“When we took up densely populated areas, a lot of questions arose,” he said. - Perhaps, by and large, they are not principled, but affect the fate of specific people. In some villages there are yards, which are divided into two parts by the border. There are families leading a common household, but some members are in Uzbekistan, others in Kyrgyzstan. There are families that, although they are within the same territory, but their members are citizens of different states. ”

The existence of enclaves remains one of the problematic issues of border policy. Among other things, a lot of problems are caused by the seizure of land in the border area, which has not yet undergone the process of delimitation and demarcation.

At present, for example, 42 sites of Batken land with a total area of ​​742.29 hectares are illegally occupied by citizens of Uzbekistan. - even before the delimitation and demarcation of borders. On them gardens are divorced, fields are sowed. And for the time being, Uzbek dehkans are not going to return these territories to Kyrgyzstan. Approximately the same picture develops around the Burgandinsky massif of the Kadamzhai district. In 1955 it was incorporated into Kyrgyzstan by the Decree of the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR. Historical documents confirm the belonging of the massif to this country.

In 1985, Uzbekistan asked to lease 351 hectares of land in the Burgandinsky massif for the construction of the North Sokh gas storage facility. The Kyrgyz side granted this request. But, provided that the Uzbek side will pay taxes and fees provided by law. However, until today, she has not paid a penny. The Burgandy massif of the Kadamzhai district is used by enterprises of the Fergana region to extract oil and gas, occupying 184 hectares of land, the North-Sokh gas storage facility occupies 360 hectares. Another 65 hectares fall on high and low pressure gas pipelines. And there is one more gas pipeline - it passes through the territory of Lyailyak district and occupies an area of ​​more than 600 hectares. According to data for 2000, Fergananftegaz management debts amounted to more than 350 million soms.

Official Bishkek, according to Candidate of Historical Sciences Nurgul Kerimbekova, is advantageous to establish a state border based on the results of the work of the Parity Commission of the Governments of the Kyrgyz SSR and the Uzbek SSR. The Uzbek side proposed delimitation to be carried out on the basis of documents of the national-territorial delimitation of 1924-1927. Without coming to a common opinion, the parties exchanged subscription topographic maps with their own options for passing the state border line, on the basis of which negotiations are still ongoing. A total of 70 disputed territories on the Kyrgyz-Uzbek border.

One of the Kyrgyz members of the delimitation commission admitted that representatives of Tashkent often bring up already agreed areas for discussion, due to allegedly unexpected circumstances. Including, evidence of the historical identity of certain territories to Uzbekistan. Now the negotiation process may complicate the Andijan question. The authorities of the neighboring country are showing offense to the decision of their Kyrgyz colleagues on the fate of refugees.

In particular, because Tashkent and Bishkek are experiencing a cooling of officially friendly relations. What dictates this position? According to one common version, the reason for this may be the desire of Uzbekistan to become the dominant country in the south of the Commonwealth. This is facilitated by the recent agreement with Russia, according to which the latter pledged to assist in arming the army of this country with military vehicles, small arms and ammunition. First of all - units in the Fergana Valley, bordering the Kyrgyz territory.

Version two. It concerns the desire of Tashkent to prevent the strengthening of separatist sentiments in Ferghana. Tension at the border harms the fellow tribesmen of Tashkent politicians the most. So say Kyrgyz non-governmental researchers delimitation problems. And they, allegedly, echo the representatives of the Fergana, Andijan and Namangan Uzbek clans. The latter, according to Nurbek Omuraliev, director of the Center for Social Research of the National Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan, are sure: official Tashkent specifically closes the borders with Kyrgyzstan in order to stop economic growth in the valley.
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