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Magazine       "Oasis"
Year
No. 24 (44) December 2006
№ 23 (43) December 2006
№ 22 (42) November 2006
№ 21 (41) November 2006
№ 20 (40) October 2006
№ 19 (39) October 2006
№ 18 (38) September 2006
№ 17 (37) September 2006
No 16 (36) August 2006
15 (35) August 2006
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No. 5 (25) March 2006
№ 4 (24) February 2006
№ 3 (23) February 2006
№ 2 (22) January 2006
№ 1 (21) January 2006
THE AUTHORS
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on       journal [PDF]:
Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,
panfilov[at]cjes.ru

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,
alyaev[at]cjes.ru

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,
Kazakhstan,
adild[at]list.ru

a diamond stylus,
Kyrgyzstan,
citizen2005[at]yandex.ru

Nargis Zokirova,
Tajikistan
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
design,
inwork[at]frw.ru
Relocation
Is Kyrgyzstan waiting for the second revolution?
Shukenov (OSH)
Spring 2006 promises to be no less hot than in the outgoing year. Former supporters of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev are in favor of continuing the revolution. The head of state is offered to think about this before March 24, the anniversaries of memorable events, and for deputies of parliament to vacate the offices. The public skirmish between the speaker of the parliament and the president of the country also provided food for political speculations about the collapse of the Bakiyev-Kulov tandem. In his recent speech in the country's parliament, the head of state criticized not only the work of deputies, but also the work of the government.

The first camp of the revolutionaries were left by the deputy Dooronbek Sadyrbayev and the leader of the Democratic Movement of Kyrgyzstan (DKK) Zhypar Zheksheev. Together with them their parties left. Sadyrbaev completely criticized the policy of the new authorities. The same was done by the leader of the DK Zheksheev, but with a higher aim. He opposed Bakiyev in the presidential election, and now he is helping to change the Constitution. Bakiyev, in turn, began to strengthen the power of new allies. Bypassing the "pink" comrades, Adahan Madumarov, who also dreamed about participating in the presidential elections, got into the government bundle.

The president personally outlined his desire for independence from former associates. "I was elected to the presidency by popular vote," he said. And so, they say, now has no right to represent the interests of a single party or movement. The team of "pink", caught in the high offices, gradually began to wash out of the government cage. Bid farewell to the ministerial chair Ishengul Boldzhurova, after her officials said goodbye to Roza Otunbayeva. Azimbek Beknazarov was removed from the post of Prosecutor General. Now they both became leaders of the Asab's Banner national revival party. Also, not so long ago the governor of the Osh region, Anvar Artykov, “left”, who also came to power in the wake of popular protest.

Another no less noticeable "loss." The government was left by the banker Daniyar Usenov, who lost $ 500,000 in search of Askar Akayev’s millions. The Cabinet of Ministers refuses to pay damages to his former member. And what could be more dangerous than the offended oligarch? However, according to some experts, Usenov was more offended not by the executive, but by the legislative power.

But more on that later. A series of resignations is connected by analysts with the personnel policy of Bakiyev himself. An important role in the selection of companions of the head of state, in their opinion, was played by the head of his administration, Usen Sydykov. It was he who first started talking about the need to take care of the old experienced personnel. And, apparently, he convinced the president that he was right. But former colleagues of the head of state have a different point of view. “Bakiyev does not want strong personalities in his circle,” Artykov said in an interview. “Therefore, Beknazarov, Otunbayeva, and now I left his team.”

Deputies of parliament, who tried to convince the head of state to abandon some personnel decisions, faced, according to them, with a wall of incomprehension. The president decided to keep the clerks of the former officials, ordering them ... not to steal. Revolutionaries, in turn, note the growth of the corruption lobby. Beknazarov directly blamed the embezzlers for his resignation. The purges in the state apparatus, which he promised to undertake, being the Prosecutor General, have not been carried out. On the contrary, the new government is trying to keep the army of officials in the form in which it was formed under the previous leadership. The system that passionately wanted to destroy the "tulip politicians" continues to work. On the new owners. No less important force that influenced the composition of the power team and did not allow for the strengthening of "pink" in it, was the parliament. The one against whom the revolutionaries fought a year ago.

Under the current Constitution, the Jogorku Kenesh has the right to approve or reject one or another candidate submitted by the president for the post in the Cabinet of Ministers. That is the main reason why many of the revolutionaries and their associates have ordered the way to power. Evidence of this is the refusal of the legislative chamber to approve Otunbayeva and Usenov for ministerial posts. The latter, according to Zhogorku Kenesh on the sidelines, tried to ride the chair of the First Deputy Prime Minister, pouring heavy currency rain on the deputies. But left with a nose. Why did it happen so? The leader of the party "Erkindik \ Svoboda" Topchubek Turgunaliev and his supporters are sure that the reason for this is the qualitative composition of the legislative chamber, formed by the efforts of pro-Akaev forces. To some extent he is right. Today, behind a series of high-profile political events that fell to the lot of Kyrgyzstanis in 2005, the true cause of the March revolution is being forgotten. And we recall, it was caused by the parliamentary elections, which the opposition Akayev lost with a deafening crash. That is why, by the way, and organized the unrest, which reached its apogee on March 24. However, it is absolutely clear that the revolution, as a form of protest against dishonest elections, did not achieve its goal, although it did the most important thing - it forced the first president to flee. The Zhogorku Kenesh elected in March 2005 continues to exist. And the revolutionaries did not find anything better than to try to merge into it. But only Beknazarov, who was forced to return to parliamentary activity after his resignation, managed to do this. He urges Bakiyev to support former comrades-in-arms and admit mistakes made in the presidency. Otherwise, they say, the second wave of revolution is inevitable, which will bring the “Tulip Coup” to its logical end.

The speeches of Beknazarov and his supporters cannot but cause alarm among the country's leadership. Aksy district of the Jalalabat region, from which a new elector is born, is considered the cradle of revolution. And it is his electorate that can again become a catalyst for a wave of political opposition.

It would be desirable to whom or not, but the political processes in the country are increasingly adopting a regional color. It was the south of the republic that became the main driving force in the displacement of Akayev. The riots that ended the March Revolution arose and gained strength in the Jalalabat and Osh oblasts. And, as it turns out, the fire of discontent with the power in them has not died away. Is the flame burning again?

Local analysts warn: as a result of the new elections, the same people will occupy the offices of the electors. But they can be diluted by representatives of political organizations, if we increase the number of mandates to 105 and present an opportunity to be elected on party lists. So, according to the opponents of the dissolution of the parliament, it is more logical to hold the by-election. Moreover, it is also next spring, which in the East is traditionally associated with the heyday of a new life. Will the Kyrgyz revolution evolve?
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