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Magazine       "Oasis"
Year
No. 24 (44) December 2006
№ 23 (43) December 2006
№ 22 (42) November 2006
№ 21 (41) November 2006
№ 20 (40) October 2006
№ 19 (39) October 2006
№ 18 (38) September 2006
№ 17 (37) September 2006
No 16 (36) August 2006
15 (35) August 2006
No. 14 (34) July 2006
№ 13 (33) July 2006
№ 12 (32) June 2006
№ 11 (31) June 2006
No 10 (30) May 2006
No 9 (29) May 2006
№ 8 (28) April 2006
№ 7 (27) April 2006
No. 6 (26) March 2006
No. 5 (25) March 2006
№ 4 (24) February 2006
№ 3 (23) February 2006
№ 2 (22) January 2006
№ 1 (21) January 2006
THE AUTHORS
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on       journal [PDF]:
Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,
panfilov[at]cjes.ru

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,
alyaev[at]cjes.ru

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,
Kazakhstan,
adild[at]list.ru

a diamond stylus,
Kyrgyzstan,
citizen2005[at]yandex.ru

Nargis Zokirova,
Tajikistan
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
design,
inwork[at]frw.ru
Back to the roots
Stanislav Pritchin (Moscow)
March 24 marks exactly one year since the so-called “Tulip Revolution” took place in Kyrgyzstan. Then Askar Akayev was overthrown from the post of the president of the republic. The main cause of popular unrest was the falsification of the results of parliamentary elections. As a result, many prominent oppositionists, including former Prime Minister Kurmanbek Bakiyev, former Foreign Minister Roza Otumbaeva, and former deputy Azimbek Beknazarov, did not become deputies. They became the head of the political coalition "Kyrgyzstan", which carried out a revolution. Since then, the republic has faced many difficulties and problems.

It seems that it is precisely on the eve of the anniversary celebration that the contradictions within the leadership are sharpening. This means that there will most likely not be political stability in the republic in the near future, and, consequently, a way out of the socio-economic crisis is being postponed.

Suddenly, the oppositionists, who overthrew Akayev, found themselves in the position of swimmers in the pool, in which the lanes suddenly disappeared. Instead of understandable working conditions, interaction with each other, the new elite found itself in a situation where swimmers are beginning to clash with their foreheads, accuse each other of switching to someone else's path, and share powers and resources. For a long time it was not clear which of the two parliaments — the old or the new, whose election, in fact, led to popular unrest, is legitimate. The date and possibility of presidential elections also remained a mystery, even for lawyers and political scientists.

The current situation was most successfully used by the former Prime Minister and Governor Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who took two key posts at once: Acting President and Prime Minister. In addition, he managed to form a team exclusively from his people. The companions of Bakiyev, Azimbek Beknazarov and Roza Otumbaeva, received the posts of Prosecutor General and Minister of Foreign Affairs, respectively. True, later both politicians lost their positions. The Prosecutor General fired the president because of disagreements, but Otunbayeva was not approved by the parliament. The revolutionaries liberated the disgraced mayor of Bishkek and power minister Felix Kulov, who enjoys broad support in society. But he did not get anything except freedom. This automatically made “Iron Felix” the main rival of Bakiyev in the presidential elections, which were scheduled for July 10, 2005. Kulov’s popularity was also added by his active participation in the fight against night-time marauders, who kept all Bishkek at bay for several days after the revolution. Then, taking advantage of the confusion and anarchy, the robbers dragged everything they could get to. According to unofficial data, about 300 marauders were killed during the riots.

The first blow to the opposition team that came to power was a dispute over the timing of the constitutional reform. One of the main slogans of the revolutionaries was the transition to a parliamentary-presidential republic. Such changes in the Constitution were supposed to prevent the restoration of an authoritarian regime. Most of yesterday’s oppositionists were afraid that after the election, the president would abandon reform. Therefore, they insisted that reform be carried out first, and only then the president and the new parliament should be elected. But Kurmanbek Bakiyev, then managed to convince the public that the country, first of all, need a legitimate leader, and the reform can be carried out after the elections.

The closer the presidential elections were, the more and more real the possibility of a civil war between supporters of Bakiev and Kulov became. Both applicants were equally popular in society. Kulov’s proposal to conclude a kind of gentlemanly agreement, on the condition that the loser receives the post of prime minister, did not find a response from Bakiyev. Only when “Iron Felix” agreed to play a supporting role and suggested that the opponent create a tandem, did the threat of conflict pass away. Bakiyev gave the floor to Kulov that after his election he will appoint him prime minister. Thanks to the tandem, Bakiyev confidently won the election. Immediately after the vote, rumors began to circulate about a possible gap between politicians. True, the newly elected president kept his word and offered Kulov’s candidature to the post of head of government. But "Iron Felix" did not get the opportunity to independently form a cabinet of ministers. In addition, a very “inconvenient” Adakhan Madumarov, with whom Felix had a long strained relationship, was appointed to replace him. Actually, since then began blanketing the blanket between the president and the prime minister. Bakiyev tried to narrow down the range of issues resolved by the prime minister as much as possible, limiting him to "firing" the social sphere.

After waiting for some time, Kulov began an active political game. The Prime Minister announced a company to combat crime and corruption. Independently conducted several permutations in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. According to a number of experts, the accusations of criminalization of the republic are by no means groundless, therefore, the actions of the Prime Minister are regarded as very timely. So most recently, the prosecutor’s office dropped all charges against the well-known “authority” of Ryspek Aktambayev, who had been wanted for several years on charges of several murders. Today Ryspek is a successful businessman, a novice politician. It was Aktambayev who organized the rally for the prime minister’s resignation at the end of last year. Then the “authority” accused Kulov of organizing the murder of his brother, a parliamentarian Tynychbek Aktambayev during a prison riot in October 2005. Observers note that the attacks by Ryspek against the prime minister testify to his connection with the president’s circle. Aktambayev was among those who, on the part of crime, assisted revolutionaries a year ago. After the coup, he received dividends from the new authorities. Today he is helping the authorities fight their opponents.

In addition to the conflict with the former partner, Bakiyev has disagreements with other prominent politicians in the republic. Relations with Omurbek Tekebaev, who until recently held a post of torah (speaker of parliament - auth.), Became significantly more complicated. The hostility of two influential oppositionists began with the fact that after the revolution Bakiyev supported the old parliament. While Tegebaev entered the new and was elected to the post of speaker. It was from that moment on that the parliament began to conduct a policy independent of the president, which greatly complicated the work of Bakiyev. In the past few weeks, the relationship between the speaker and the president has deteriorated so much that Bakiyev at a meeting of the Security Council refused to sit at the same table with the speaker. As a result, Tegebaev had to urgently leave the meeting, at which he was obliged to be present at his post. At the same time, the speaker announced that he was going to resign due to the difficult situation in the republic. Deputies in the first two ballots did not support the resignation of the speaker. Instead of the required 38 votes, only 34 were cast in favor. But in the end, on February 27, Tekebaev resigned on his own free will. The presence of such a strong and experienced politician in the post of speaker, as Omurbek Tegebaev, could play a decisive role in the outcome of the struggle for the timing and form of constitutional reform. The fact is that Bakiyev, in a regular statement, spoke out against the transition to a parliamentary republic, while parliament is in favor of changing the political system. Now, parliamentarians are unlikely to defend their reform option.
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