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Magazine       "Oasis"
No. 24 (44) December 2006
№ 23 (43) December 2006
№ 22 (42) November 2006
№ 21 (41) November 2006
№ 20 (40) October 2006
№ 19 (39) October 2006
№ 18 (38) September 2006
№ 17 (37) September 2006
No 16 (36) August 2006
15 (35) August 2006
No. 14 (34) July 2006
№ 13 (33) July 2006
№ 12 (32) June 2006
№ 11 (31) June 2006
No 10 (30) May 2006
No 9 (29) May 2006
№ 8 (28) April 2006
№ 7 (27) April 2006
No. 6 (26) March 2006
No. 5 (25) March 2006
№ 4 (24) February 2006
№ 3 (23) February 2006
№ 2 (22) January 2006
№ 1 (21) January 2006
on       journal [PDF]:
Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,

a diamond stylus,

Nargis Zokirova,
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
Spring castling in frames
Bakehod Habib (Tashkent)
Spring in Uzbekistan again distinguished not only the oddities in the weather (either cold or warm), but also changes in the executive branch about which they were talking or on the sidelines of bureaucratic structures or in the vast expanses of the Internet, but not in the official press.

In general, such topics are tabooed, unless, of course, there is an order from above to start "throwing mud at" some official who is guilty before the authorities. And therefore, none of the experts can give an accurate assessment, in connection with which the next castling in the government was made.

On March 3, 2006, Utkir Sultanov, who oversaw such a massive sector as the mechanical engineering, ferrous and nonferrous metallurgy, oil and gas, geology, electric power, chemical production, standardization and metrology, state and mobilization resources, was relieved of his duties as vice-premier. Instead, he was appointed head of Uzbekenergo Ergash Shoislamov.

Of course, in recent years, these basic sectors of the republic have failed, the dynamics of their development do not fit into the tale of economic growth, into the concept of sustainability of the Uzbek model, which is inspired by the citizens of the republic from the cradle. The fact is that the management of such serious enterprises is impossible not only without good management, but also impressive investments. And in recent years there is nothing to boast with investments, especially foreign ones. There are Russian, Chinese, and South Korean promises, but are they enough for the national economy of Uzbekistan, where 26 million people live? Especially considering the narrowly self-interested and non-transparent directions of such investments. It is known, for example, that gas production amounts to 50 billion cubic meters, about 12 billion are officially exported, about 15-20 billion are consumed within the republic (by population and production), but where the rest almost 20 billion cubic meters disappears ? So it turns out that managers of all levels are to blame for everything, but not the most important one, who has steadily led the country for over 15 years. However, the rearrangement of personnel is naively viewed only in the framework of failures of branches of the national economy. The fact is that they are also obliged to work for personal pockets, but Sultanov clearly could not cope with this. Apparently, the streams of his financial injections into closed funds were insufficient for large-scale shadow operations of Islam Karimov. And the one ahead - elections. How can they be carried out without a serious ideological and organizational campaign, when Western radio voice and the Internet do everything to bring “confusion and disorder” into Uzbek society, and also scatter the seeds of distrust into “the person who defined the era” (in the words of academician Murat Sharifhojaev).

Official resources are not enough. The administrative mechanism fails. Propaganda is lame. Intelligence agencies do not have time to "disable" the disaffected. And, apparently, the United States and Europe will make a lot of efforts to ensure that the elections in Uzbekistan do not follow the scenario that the great guidebook outlined for, no less, a great future. And here failures give economic channels. It is quite possible that the new Deputy Prime Minister has already distinguished himself with success on all the “fronts” of the energy industry, although the country is experiencing constant interruptions in energy supply, especially in winter and in deaf areas. Successes, of course, one direction - financial.

It should be noted that the rearrangement of "chess pieces" has a pronounced constancy, that is, no one has time to take deep roots in their departments and overgrow with moss. Islam Karimov throws loyal officials from one front to another. It can be assumed that there were not formed more or less stable groups against clan interests, did not create conditions for the opposition. Although it is clear that even in the highest echelons of power, it exists. And palace coups are usually made approximate courtiers. Maybe this is why Karimov does not allow anyone to come closer to each other, pits them with particular consistency.

Recently there was another reshuffle in a chess game: on April 11, 2006, Batyr Khojaev was appointed Minister of Economy, replacing Vyacheslav Golyshev, who by presidential decree returned to the position of state advisor. It should be emphasized that Golyshev was also deputy prime minister, whereas this status was not granted to Khodzhayev (according to some information, he was given to Rustam Azimov, the minister of finance). The clear priority of the financial component over the general economic one speaks about the problems of the work of all sectors of the economy to ensure the profitability of the country's budget. Apparently, Azimov will squeeze out the necessary “injections” from other ministries and departments. Before the elections, it is necessary to show the success of the economy and social well-being, and through increases in pensions and benefits, wages for civil servants, in order to stimulate the receipt of positive votes.

As for Golyshev, being not ethnically Uzbek, he did not have a national basis for strengthening personal power in state structures, and in the east it is a big minus. Behind him never stood serious people (clans, mafia), so he did not have authority in the government and the degree of influence on others, including fellow ministers. Everyone understood that Golyshev was exported to the administration in order to bring down the pride of some high-ranking officials, to show that in fact only one person in the country has the power, whatever bets were placed on regional groups. In fact, this man is the ideologue of the entire Karimov economic system.

Information about the removal from the post of Minister of Foreign Economic Relations, Investments and Trade Alisher Shaykhov passed by the official press. This sector is also one of the priorities in the shadow flows, so it was led by those closest to the president. However, Shaykhov did not justify trust: instead of looking for new items of income into the country (that is, in private pockets) and for the presidential race, on the contrary, he began to study the schemes of supplying cotton, energy, which was full of all kinds of violations, which irritated tenevikov. There was a decree on the return of Shayhov back to the Chamber of Commerce, the most useless structure of the state.

Another appointment passed by the public: on March 13, Shavkat Salikhov was approved as the president of the Academy of Sciences. Within the walls of this respected institution they say that “from above” the task has been received, to bring all public research and science into the plane of the ideology of national independence, that is, to counter the process of dissent in the scientific environment new contree and mechanisms, and transfer to the higher instances the “grains of gold” that can provide a good course of the election campaign.

It can be assumed that personnel changes by the second half of 2006 will still occur. Nothing is forever before this significant event, including the individual in the government.
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