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Magazine       "Oasis"
No. 24 (44) December 2006
№ 23 (43) December 2006
№ 22 (42) November 2006
№ 21 (41) November 2006
№ 20 (40) October 2006
№ 19 (39) October 2006
№ 18 (38) September 2006
№ 17 (37) September 2006
No 16 (36) August 2006
15 (35) August 2006
No. 14 (34) July 2006
№ 13 (33) July 2006
№ 12 (32) June 2006
№ 11 (31) June 2006
No 10 (30) May 2006
No 9 (29) May 2006
№ 8 (28) April 2006
№ 7 (27) April 2006
No. 6 (26) March 2006
No. 5 (25) March 2006
№ 4 (24) February 2006
№ 3 (23) February 2006
№ 2 (22) January 2006
№ 1 (21) January 2006
on       journal [PDF]:
Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,

a diamond stylus,

Nargis Zokirova,
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
Opposition in law
Igor Shestakov (Bishkek)
Kyrgyzstan is preparing to become the first not only in the Central Asian region, but also in the CIS state, officially legitimized the presence of opposition.

The working group formed by order of Prime Minister Felix Kulov has already begun to develop regulatory documents on the activities of the opposition, which provide for state guarantees of its functioning.

However, as early as May of this year, the relevant decree was signed by President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, which ordered the government to work in this direction. With the support of the Soros Foundation-Kyrgyzstan, round tables with the participation of political parties and non-governmental organizations were held in Bishkek. The result of this expert debate was the overwhelming support for this legislative initiative.

In independent Kyrgyzstan, the opposition, unlike its counterparts in the Central Asian region, has always felt quite confident and quite comfortable. Radically opposed publications were freely published. Irreconcilable opponents of Askar Akayev from among the leaders of political structures easily had the opportunity in various forums to express directly their negative attitude towards the executive branch. The opposition was quite weighty; it was also represented in the legislative power; in fact, a movement for the resignation of the former head of state was created from among the deputies. True, opposition leaders and parties have never been strong ideological allies and associates. They were united only by the struggle with the current regime. And when he fell, like the famous Berlin Wall, it quickly became clear that each of them had their own personal goals and objectives in the struggle for power. It is possible that the main essence of the disagreements was that each of the prominent oppositionists saw themselves among the leaders of the state. It is not by chance that after March 24, rallies continue to be held in Kyrgyzstan, where ultimatum political and economic demands are being made, up to the resignation of the current leadership of the country. Most likely the presidential-premier initiative was an attempt to give the rally passions the character of a civilized dialogue. Local analysts, not without irony, note that some of the so-called “revolutionaries” regarded the events of March 24 as a kind of indulgence on manifestations of omnipotence and complete lawlessness, which is still accompanied by attempts to seize private or state property.

According to political analyst Zainidin Kurmanov, a situation in which there is no constructive mutual understanding between the government and the opposition can again lead to another revolutionary upheaval. “The development of a draft law on the opposition is a direct attempt of the current government to remove political passions from the streets and squares,” the political scientist believes. At the same time, the coordinator of the centrist-liberal party "My Country" Galina Kulikova is of the opinion that "by adopting this law, the country's leadership can turn its political opponents into partners and, most importantly, share with them the responsibility for the fate of the people and the well-being of the country."

Supporters of the law on the opposition are confident that its official recognition will thus make it possible to give certain significance to party building in the republic. In the current political field of the country, there are more than 70 parties that can not boast of their success in terms of significant influence on the socio-political processes in Kyrgyzstan. “Political parties are formed according to certain characteristics, such as: closely related and clan ties. In this connection, many of them are small political clubs, which mainly consist of relatives, a small part of friends, some clan structures, as well as people who have set a certain task, ”said Muratbek Imanaliev, director of the Institute for Public Policy. Many politicians see a way out of clan dependency in the new system of parliamentary elections. Maintaining the election system on party lists, can allow you to turn the "club" into an influential organization. Now the legislative branch is elected by single-member constituencies. But in 2000, when for the first and last time in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan parties got the opportunity to fight for a small part of deputy seats, oppositional-minded Communists won. The current leader of the Communist Party of the country, parliamentarian Iskhak Masaliev, adheres to the point of view that the party struggle for mandates will make it possible to give more civilized forms to clarify the relations between political forces. Also, the appearance of party lists can dramatically reduce the influence of clans on the social and political life of the republic. For example, during the recent parliamentary elections in one of the southern districts, supporters of candidates used incendiary bottles, stones, and nail sticks as power arguments against each other. Law enforcement agencies have recorded attempts to use firearms. If it were not for enhanced security measures, the situation could get out of control and turn into another hotbed of tension on the map of the country. Such an incident, unfortunately, can be repeated in any region of the country. These are the realities of the current social and political life of Kyrgyzstan. Forecasts of its nearest development are given by experts very contradictory.

“We are awaited by a series of sluggish crises in relations between the authorities and the opposition, which are unlikely to lead to a large-scale aggravation of the situation in the country,” said political analyst Nur Omarov. However, there are opinions that the main intrigue of the autumn political season may turn, for example, around the adoption of a new wording of the Constitution, since this step entails determining the form of government. Some political forces unequivocally advocate a presidential republic, proposing the absolute elimination of the institution of the prime minister. A considerable number of opponents insist on a parliamentary system of government, which would significantly limit the powers of the president. So, there is already a purely formal reason for clarifying domestic political relations in Kyrgyzstan. As far as the course of constitutional reform will develop within the legal field, and to meet, first of all, the interests of the stable and sustainable development of the state, the level of the current relationship between the government, the opposition and civil society will be clear. In addition, an important aspect of the constructive implementation of the pact between the government and the opposition is not declarative, but the real readiness of the executive to allow opponents to the process of governing the state.
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