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Magazine       "Oasis"
No. 24 (44) December 2006
№ 23 (43) December 2006
№ 22 (42) November 2006
№ 21 (41) November 2006
№ 20 (40) October 2006
№ 19 (39) October 2006
№ 18 (38) September 2006
№ 17 (37) September 2006
No 16 (36) August 2006
15 (35) August 2006
No. 14 (34) July 2006
№ 13 (33) July 2006
№ 12 (32) June 2006
№ 11 (31) June 2006
No 10 (30) May 2006
No 9 (29) May 2006
№ 8 (28) April 2006
№ 7 (27) April 2006
No. 6 (26) March 2006
No. 5 (25) March 2006
№ 4 (24) February 2006
№ 3 (23) February 2006
№ 2 (22) January 2006
№ 1 (21) January 2006
on       journal [PDF]:
Oleg Panfilov,
project Manager,

Dmitry Alyaev,
chief editor,

Roman Zyuzin,
webmaster [at] cjes.ru

Adil Dzhalilov,

a diamond stylus,

Nargis Zokirova,
zokirova77 [at] mail.ru

Representative Names
in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
not disclosed

Lyudmila Burenkova,
technical editor,
lyuda [at] cjes.ru

Elena Dorokhova,
New challenge?
Hoxha Abduldjabbor (Dushanbe)
The acquisition by the Central Asian countries of their state independence became possible as a result of the collapse of the USSR, which began immediately after the defeat of "Putschists" in Moscow. On the eve of all these events, the influential political forces at the time in opposition, inspired by the ideas of national revival, came to the conclusion that such a revival of the country would become possible only under conditions of state independence. The situation that developed after the August events in Moscow favored the solution of this problem.

In the conditions of the collapse of the USSR as a state, the former Soviet republics gained the opportunity to transform into independent states, to build their new post-Soviet statehood, without the threat of possible Russification that had happened there before. The former Soviet republics took full advantage of this opportunity and, to date, they have been transformed into independent national states capable of providing political, economic, and ideological conditions for consistently solving the tasks of national revival.

The independence of each of the former Soviet republics of the region had its own peculiarity. Tajikistan, unlike its neighbors, entered the era of independence, being in a deep political crisis, which it fell into in February 1990. Then, on the eve of the upcoming elections to the last Soviet parliament of the republic, demonstrations were held in Dushanbe, which ended in bloodshed and riots. The February events formalized what was quite obvious long before them - the lack of national unity and the division of the country on a regional-political basis. They also laid the foundation for the open struggle of regional-political elites of the republic for the possession of supreme power in the country, which became possible as a result of the weakening of Soviet power and, accordingly, the control of the former union center over the republic.

After declaring independence, this struggle was transformed into a sharp and irreconcilable confrontation, which in May 1992 grew into a civil war. In the course of these political upheavals, two main political tasks were solved - which of the regional and political elites to establish themselves in power in the country, and under what model the post-Soviet Tajik national state will be formed. In fact, Tajik society had to make a choice between three models: liberal-democratic, Islamic-revival and national-revival. In the end, the forces that most consistently defended the possibility of an independent development of the post-Soviet Tajik state built within, as the only possible, national-revival model capable of bringing together all Tajiks, regardless of their ideological and political bias, sympathies and antipathies.

For most of their independent existence, the leadership of Tajikistan had to pay primary attention to the solution of such difficult and purely political tasks as the gathering together of the collapsed as a result of political upheavals of 1991-1992. countries, restoration of peace and national unity, overcoming the consequences of civil war, including such as omnipotence of warlords, and legal nihilism generated by all of these, the gradual return of the country to the legal space. The extraordinary nature and conditions for accomplishing these tasks often dictated the use of extraordinary methods to achieve the goals.

As the political tasks, as such, were solved, the conditions for solving economic problems were formed in the republic. Some of them were solved by themselves. So, in principle, happened with the liberalization of prices. At the same time, the construction of energy facilities and an extensive transport network, without which it is impossible to ensure the further development of the republic, required the active participation of the state. It began to be engaged in it approximately since 2000. In 2004, activity in this direction bore its first fruits. Agreements have been reached with Russia and Iran on major energy projects. Currently, the construction of the Sangtuda-1 hydroelectric station with the participation of RAO UES is in full swing, and the construction of the Sangtuda-2 hydroelectric station has begun, with funds allocated by Iran. This year the construction of the Anzob tunnel was completed with the participation of Iranian investors. The implementation of this project allowed for a permanent transport link between the center of the country and its northern regions. This year, with the assistance of China, which allocated more than $ 600 million, work began on the rehabilitation and modernization of the road from Dushanbe to the northern border of the republic with Uzbekistan and on two projects for the construction of transmission lines, one of which will connect the north and south of the country.

Today, Tajikistan is entering a new period in its history, not burdened by the need to resolve political emergencies by emergency measures. A period of routine everyday functioning of the new, post-Soviet Tajik national state that has taken shape has come. At the same time, the republic is facing new challenges.

In particular, from now on, and the farther away, the more the peace and stability in the country will directly depend on the ability of the political forces of the country to find adequate solutions to a number of problems. Today, a generation of citizens of the country who have grown up in an era of predominance of market relations and simply does not know others has entered into an independent life. In the conditions of existence, although not particularly developed, but still real political pluralism. The market economy and multiparty system for them is a completely natural phenomenon. They are interested in the legal, social, economic and political conditions in the country that are adequate to the time in which they live and which will allow them to fully realize their potential and their aspirations.

For a significant part of this generation, and especially for the next generation, the generation born after the collapse of the country, the concept of the Soviet, Soviet space, the post-Soviet space does not cause any emotions. Everything connected with the Soviet era is in no way connected with their own emotional experience, and therefore the attitude towards it is neutral and indifferent. The Soviet continues to mean something for those Tajiks, in whose identity the Soviet component is dominant or significant in their identity. That is, people of the older generation, which gradually begins to give up their place and living space to the post-Soviet generation. Over the next 7-10 years, this post-Soviet generation will be two-thirds of Tajik society. And just then the final departure of the Soviet era from real life into the past, into history will take place.
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