For example, the pre-election syndrome — the upcoming battles for the electorate are being discussed in a new format — for the first time, deputies to the lower house of parliament (Majilis) will be elected on party lists. The hype, however, is more formal. Apparently, the Mazhilis will be “occupied” by the pro-government party “Nur-Otan”, headed by President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who made a slaughterly straightforward “hook” - an unobtrusive prediction that it is his party that will win the elections. Given the hypnotic impact of such forecasts on the Central Election Commission (CEC), they can be taken too literally, for example, as a guide to action. The communal thinking of the bureaucratic mainstream, entering Nur-Otan, as in the good old days of the CPSU, promises in the end a remake of the new-old parliament with tuning in the form of representatives of the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan. Most likely, true to the course leaders of national diasporas. The early elections, as is known, will be held in August, due to the update of the Constitution.
However, the theme of the summer season number one in Kazakhstan was parliamentary plot unpredictable before yawning, and the dramatic story of Rakhat Aliyev - “ex-son-in-law in exile”. A story that producers of Indian, Brazilian and other Latin American films and TV shows should envy. The main sugar and media tycoon of the country became the news maker of the year, losing almost everything overnight - the “roof” of the father-in-law, the ambassador’s chair, newspapers, TV channels, a spouse, and even the fear of fellow citizens. As a result, the once “thunderstorm” of drug lords, corrupt officials, competitors, and bankers was under a subscription about not leaving the city in Vienna, under a criminal case of kidnapping, money laundering and other vile things. Everyone talked about “derakhatisation” - rahat-gaite in Kazakhstan, including the head of state. According to the “fathers” version, the case of Rakhat is proof that “everyone is equal before the law.” Although this unexpected version raises some doubts, even with the example of the new unprecedented rights of the first president, it seems worth believing in a voice from above. And all the oligarchs understand who is the boss.
But the most important thing that the story of Mr. Aliyev teaches is: even with the most powerful media resources, he still could not convince everyone that he was clean and democratic. And now, his attempts to look like a victim of the regime look, well, very naive. Power is a lesson to all those in power today - reputation is created not only by pocket media.